A weekly round–up of the latest news relating to Covid–19 and Brexit, and the issues affecting our clients
A weekly round–up of the latest news relating to Covid–19 and Brexit, and the issues affecting our clients
Last week’s digest focused in part on the differing strategies taken by the UK and EU in terms of vaccine procurement. The final thought as I finished the note was who would end up being shown to have taken the right course of action in the months to come. That belied what was to come hours later as the EU moved to unilaterally trigger the safeguard clause in the Northern Ireland protocol, before wisely backing down. However, the breach was already made whether or not the safeguard was triggered and has led to some rather predictable outcomes, including fanning the flames of the DUP who are demanding the Prime Minister to “be the Unionist” they need. Bonnie Tyler it was not. Still, the fiasco may yet lead to a positive outcome as all sides look again at the workings of the protocol.
What we know at this stage is that the protocol will not be scrapped anytime soon, despite what the DUP might hope and call for. Instead, Michael Gove the UK Cabinet Office Minister has called for an 18–month extension of grace periods while Maros Sefcovic, the European Commission vice–president, pushed back calling for a focus on “proper implementation”. Similarly, Irish Foreign Minister Simon Coveney said this week that there is “not going to be very dramatic change.” The words of Coveney and his colleagues matter, showing ably on Friday how Irish soft power can influence decision making in Brussels, and quickly at that. So Coveney’s comments on Twitter, commending a piece from London and Brussels think tank, the Centre for European Reform, which encouraged a more cooperative approach from the EU and UK in making the protocol work, are positive.
The paper in question notes that the situation in Northern Ireland has not been at the front of the Commission’s mind – a charge also laid fairly in London – but sets out a shopping list of flexibilities that could allow the protocol to work more efficiently. Two such options include extending the grace period for supermarkets bringing products of animal origin into Northern Ireland from Great Britain. Should they be allowed to do so without export health certificate, for as long as UK food hygiene rules stay in lockstep and consideration of permanent derogations specific to the island of Ireland, allowing for chilled meat products, seed potatoes, soil and the like to be imported without hassle from Great Britain. Though the UK also has much to do to work better with the EU, there are opportunities in which they can do so without either capitulating to unrealistic DUP demands or demanding all participants simply hold their nose and carry on.
The question – not dissimilar to the various routes through last year’s negotiations – is whether they are to take them. Given the lack of trust, diminished further still last week, it’s hardly surprising that already some analysts have begun to question whether the present frictions we are seeing between both parties are a sign of things to come rather than a passing fad.
If that was an outcome of clarifying minds, the rising tensions have led also to less productive outcomes. A masked Loyalist gang in East Belfast, caught on camera while en route to an attack, but ultimately foiled by the police, could hardly have come at a worse time in terms of undermining public confidence. Similarly, Anne Donaghy, Chief Executive of Mid and East Antrim Council, and outgoing Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots withdrawing staff from Belfast and Larne ports after suggesting threats were linked to Loyalist paramilitaries, would understandably cause further reason for concern. Yet, the assessment from police that Loyalist paramilitaries were not involved and that there was no evidence that car registrations of staff were being gathered nor anything to suggest an attack on anyone was imminent has understandably prompted questions. Sinn Féin MLA Philip McGuigan said the decision had created “political furore” and he was still unclear who had provided the information which influenced the move. Though Loyalist paramilitaries do not move as one and splinter activities are possible, the assessment of the police will provide a political opportunity for Sinn Féin on an issue that has become a proxy for the larger constitutional question. The First Minister’s fiery interview on BBC NI’s The View, where she was challenged on several past comments, was yet further evidence of the polarising effect of the border in the Irish Sea upon political discourse.
Ireland, which would suffer severe fallout from a breakdown in EU–UK relations, signalled support for “sensible, common sense modifications” to the operation of the protocol. “It does need some changes,” Micheál Martin said this week. Politicos in Dublin are reported to be still smarting after last Friday’s debacle with one headline suggesting relations with Brussels had plummeted to “freezing”. The Taoiseach, normally mild mannered on the EU, reportedly told a party meeting that the Commission had blindsided Ireland and caused “political mayhem” while another attendee questioned why Mairéad McGuinness had not been aware of the move. Meanwhile, new rules on mandatory quarantining in a person’s own home came into force, but laws that would see those who do not produce negative Covid–19 tests or are coming from high–risk countries sent to hotels are still weeks away. Calls from the Opposition to go further and bring in mandatory hotel restrictions for all incoming air passengers have been resisted by the coalition.
All in all, we are left with many unknowns, lots of questions and few answers. It’s enough to make you reach for the schnapps but then again, after last Friday, better not.
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